Saturday, March 04, 2006

Thanks, But We Knew That

** Please See Update Below**

New York journalist and self-proclaimed "dyke", Norah Vincent, is making some waves with her new book detailing her experience as passing for a man for a time. The project, complete with high-level theatrical make-up including fake stubble, was designed to give her a glimpse into a world, the world of men, she could never quite fully enter as a woman.

The concept is fabulous and the end result is her "Self-Made Man." (She also gets kudos from me for resisting the urge to call it "Male Like Me"). I haven't read the entire book, just bits and pieces, because, to be honest, the left-wing journo outlook makes large portions of it uninteresting. Like, for example, her wonder upon entering a working class bowling league and finding the white men there neither particularly racist nor sexist. Who'da thunk it?

Other passages are, however, fascinating. Who among us would pass up the chance to enter the shoes of the opposite gender for a little while to see what it's like?

But the absolute best part of the book is when Norah, disguised as "Ned", starts to try to meet women. Men, hold on to your hats! Norah has some amazing insights for you!!!

From the Commentary review:
Ned's experience on the dating circuit also yields unexpected sympathy for men. In looking for love, Vincent finds, men are required to slog through a purgatory of rejection, hostility, and ambiguity. When Ned tries to talk up a few women at a bar, the lovelies "looked [me] over like inferior produce in the supermarket." Many women, carrying wounds from past relationships, would greet men with the "presumption of guilt," so much so that "they seemed incapable of seeing any new man as an individual." If that is not burden enough, men have to make sense of the female's "warrior/minstrel complex." Women want a man who is strong and will take the lead--who is manly in Mansfield's sens--but at the same time "expressive, intuitive, attuned." "Expectation, expectation, expectation," Vincent frets. "Finding the right balance was maddening."

We all figured that out around age 13, give or take a few years, but thanks for noticing!

UPDATE: A friend of mine emails to ask, in the interests of equal time, if I could post something about the modern male's shortcoming. To which my response is: don't get me started. Since I won't stop if I get started, I've decided instead to just post the lyrics of a particular song by one of my favorites, Nick Lowe:

"Half A Boy And Half A Man"

You'd better run
You'd better hide
You'd better lock you house and keep the kids inside.
Here comes the Twentieth Century's latest scam
He's a half a boy and half a man

He ain't a fool but he's a tool
Because his left don't know what his right hand's doin'.
He'd keep a King Kong eating out of the palm of his hand

Now he's a half a boy and half a man.
Or else the S.P.G. 's gonna clear the streets.
They never made no provision in the original plan
For half a boy and half a man

Friday, March 03, 2006

This Week's Council Winners

As is blindingly obvious, I have fallen way behind on my Watcher's Council duties. I apologize to the Watcher and my fine colleagues!

This week's Council top vote getter was a fine piece on the Father of Our Country in honor of his birthday over at Done With Mirrors entitled Our George. This is a essay that I really recommend, especially since it really blows apart the old, tired hippie "Lies My Teacher Told Me" line. The runner-up was yours truly with "The Breach," which you may find below.

As you might imagine, I've received a lot of feedback on that piece, and I've read a lot of commentary on other sites. I have to say, however, that of all the responses, I can count on one hand the number of replies that actually engaged the argument. I think that means something and I'll have more to say on that later.

This week's non-Council winner was Michael J. Totten's recent piece on Kurdish Yezidis in northern Iraq entitled The Beginning of the Universe. If you don't know what a "Yezidi" is, I highly recommend it. In fact, now that I think about it, even if you do know I still recommend it.

The non-Council runner up went to Sigmund, Carl and Alfred's send up of clueless lefties entitled SC&A Address the Grads of Stupid University on Iraq.

Hmmm...Stupid University. I think I went there.

You may find the entire list courtesy of the Watcher here.

Tomorrow, I will post a catch-up post for the weeks I missed.

Frum in Iraq

David Frum, former Bush speechwriter, AEI fellow, NRO contributor and all around good guy, recently returned from a tour of the Middle East, including Iraq. His latest column in the National Post (reprinted and available here) describes his findings.

The resulting report is very interesting, but I was especially struck by the following passage:
6) The coalition is suffering some bad publicity this week from the release of another round of Abu Ghraib photographs and the report of British beatings of prisoners in the South. It's worth putting these abuses into the context of the determined--under the circumstances, amazing--humaneness with which most captured insurgents are treated. If wounded, they are rushed to U.S. field hospitals and treated on equal terms with wounded Americans and coalition forces. Under the laws of war, an Iraqi insurgent captured planting a bomb could legally be shot on the spot. Instead, after questioning they are handed over to the Iraqi judiciary for trial. (Emphasis added)

Here in a nutshell is the madness of "limited war."

While the Bush Administration does backflips to explain to everyone here at home that we are fighting a war and not engaging in a law enforcement process, in an actual theatre of war we are treating illegal combantants like criminal defendants, all with an eye to "teaching" the Iraqis about democracy and generating the "good will" of the international community.

Not only could we be shooting caught insurgents on the spot, we should be. As anyone who has read any of the many milblogs reporting from the front knows, especially any who have read Michael Yon, many of these "caught" jihadis are released by the "Iraqi judiciary" within hours of capture, returning to kill and maim American soldiers.

If you support Bush's policies, you have to support this. I don't. Do you?

Derbyshire Nails It

Writing this morning over at The Corner, John "Rubble Doesn't Cause Trouble" Derbyshire sets forth his reasoning on Iraq and how his view differs from that of most conservatives. The Derb writes:
Another reader tells me that I "should join [Ralph] Peters and beat the drum for W's view that we must stay the course and do whatever it takes to win."

I should be astonished and dismayed to learn that that is truly the President's view, or Peters'. Suppose, for example, the Joint Chiefs determine that in order to win, we must turn the Sunni Triangle into an irradiated wasteland. (Not, I think, a particularly implausible determination.) Would GWB be willing to do that? I don't think so. There are things we are not willing to do, and there are sacrifices, financial and otherwise, we are not willing to contemplate. Not me, not the President, not Ralph Peters, not the American people, and not my correspondent. And that isn't cowardice or moral weakness, just plain cost/benefit calculation of the sort that underlies all geostrategic decision-making.

The difference between the Peters/GWB view and the Will/WFB/Derb view is not that the former opinionators are willing to "do whatever it takes to win," while the latter are not. The difference is, that the two factions have different estimates of what it would take to win. (Defined to mean: Create a reasonably stable, strong, orderly, and friendly Iraq.) And that the former estimate lies inside the boundaries of what the American people are willing to do, spend, and sacrifice, while the latter lies outside those boundaries.

The question is not "are we willing to do whatever it takes to win?" The question is: WITHIN THE PARAMETERS OF WHAT WE ARE WILLING TO DO, can we win? My answer, based on my best judgment as to what the American people are willing to contemplate doing, and such knowledge as I have of Iraq, and of human affairs in general, is: No, we can't.

I think that this is exactly right, and the Jacksonian in me feels quite strongly that if we don't have the willingness to do what it takes we have no business taking lives and asking someone else's son or daughter to give theirs.

What do you think?

Thursday, March 02, 2006

He's No Churchill

I don't support President Bush and his Administration because they sold me on a war they apparently never intended to fight. In my view, this was not only wrong, it is in itself a threat to the national security of the United States.

Why?

Because once a threat of force is made by a great power, the credibility of that great power is on the line. Should that power be seen to not have the will or the capacity to carry out its threats, it will properly be viewed with contempt by its enemies, who will draw the rational conclusions. This is the essence of the "paper tiger" thesis the Bush Doctrine was originally intended to permanently assign to the trash can. Like all empty threats, this one makes war far more likely and far more likely to be of much greater scope and length in the long run.

What did Bush say back in September of 2001? Let's revisit the Bush Doctrine Speech one more time:

Americans have many questions tonight. Americans are asking: Who attacked our country? The evidence we have gathered all points to a collection of loosely affiliated terrorist organizations known as al Qaeda. They are the same murderers indicted for bombing American embassies in Tanzania and Kenya, and responsible for bombing the USS Cole.

* * *

I also want to speak tonight directly to Muslims throughout the world. We respect your faith. It's practiced freely by many millions of Americans, and by millions more in countries that America counts as friends. Its teachings are good and peaceful, and those who commit evil in the name of Allah blaspheme the name of Allah. The terrorists are traitors to their own faith, trying, in effect, to hijack Islam itself. The enemy of America is not our many Muslim friends; it is not our many Arab friends. Our enemy is a radical network of terrorists, and every government that supports them.

* * *

Our response involves far more than instant retaliation and isolated strikes. Americans should not expect one battle, but a lengthy campaign, unlike any other we have ever seen. It may include dramatic strikes, visible on TV, and covert operations, secret even in success. We will starve terrorists of funding, turn them one against another, drive them from place to place, until there is no refuge or no rest. And we will pursue nations that provide aid or safe haven to terrorism. Every nation, in every region, now has a decision to make. Either you are with us, or you are with the terrorists. From this day forward, any nation that continues to harbor or support terrorism will be regarded by the United States as a hostile regime.

This either means what is says or it does not.

Now, let us turn to the November 30, 2005, speech of Nicholas Burns, the Undersecretary of State for Political Affairs:
Iran continues to host senior al Qaeda leaders who are wanted for murdering Americans and other victims in the 1998 East Africa Embassy bombings. We have called repeatedly for these terrorists to be handed over to states that will prosecute them and bring them to justice. We believe that some al Qaeda members and those from like-minded extremist groups continue to use Iran as a safe haven and as a hub to facilitate their operations.

Let us leave for aside the already sickening lowering of our demand to allow for the mere transfer of al Qaeda members to unspecified third countries who will "bring them to justice." Let us instead focus on the facts at hand.

The Bush Doctrine sets forth the principle that we are at WAR with al Qaeda and that any state-ANY state-that harbors them will be considered a hostile in that war.

The Bush Administration believes that the Islamic Republic of Iran is harboring al Qaeda and is using Iran as a safe haven.

My original inclination was to ask all the Bush defenders who have posted here in the past week to explain for me what great nuance of Bush's policy I'm missing here, but, instead, I'd like to ask this question:

Imagine if you were an Iranian leader: what would you take away from the current state of affairs? How would you assess your nation's standing and interests? How high would you rate the possibility of American action keeping you from your nation's stated goals? What would be your feelings about Bush and his leadership?

If your Iranian president asked you for your opinion about whether or not the Iranian state can afford to continue with its nuclear programme, what would your response be?

Could you manage to stop laughing enough to give a proper answer?

Wednesday, March 01, 2006

Basic Judgments, Sound Strategy

Judgments on matters of war and peace follow from first things and basic principles. If one is of a religious bent, say a very Christian President of the United States, and if one is a patriotic American, say a very patriotic President of the United States, one is very likely to be adverse to concluding that a people's religion is the root cause of any friction between that people and the United States.

For the first, one would be predisposed not to think ill of religion and to have the highest respect for the more noble aspects of that mindset. For the second, one would combine the traditional American reverence for the religious nature of much of our social history with the highest regard for the principle of freedom of religion. If I may advance a proposition that I think will find no opposition among the minds of my fellow country-men of any political persuasion it is surely this: that a man's religion is a matter of his conscience and faith, no business of mine and it would be an ill thing indeed were I to criticize that man because of his beliefs.

This being the case, it is not at all surprising that the collective will of the Federal Government, as led by its chief executive, has concluded that Islam has been hijacked by an extremist minority who carry out outrages that offend the honorable tradition of one of the world's great religions. As President Bush said shortly after the attacks of 9.11 in his speech to Congress of September 20, 2001:
The terrorists practice a fringe form of Islamic extremism that has been rejected by Muslim scholars and the vast majority of Muslim clerics -- a fringe movement that perverts the peaceful teachings of Islam.

* * *
I also want to speak tonight directly to Muslims throughout the world. We respect your faith. It's practiced freely by many millions of Americans, and by millions more in countries that America counts as friends. Its teachings are good and peaceful, and those who commit evil in the name of Allah blaspheme the name of Allah. The terrorists are traitors to their own faith, trying, in effect, to hijack Islam itself. The enemy of America is not our many Muslim friends; it is not our many Arab friends. Our enemy is a radical network of terrorists, and every government that supports them.

Given the nature of the Federal Government, thoroughly shot through with piety about matters multi-cultural, the nature of the President, a deeply religious man, and the nature of our political culture, which is very respectful of matters religious, it is not at all surprising that this view should have been that advanced by the Administration in the aftermath of September 11.

Not surprising, yes, but disturbing nonetheless.

Many conservatives noted right away their discomfort--sometimes set forth in great detail, at other times merely set forth as a general feeling of unease--at seeing the President of the United States standing before Congress and speaking in the name of Islam. Certainly, being lectured on the "teachings" of Islam by Bush must have struck the Taliban, the mullahs of Tehran and other Islamists as both funny and infuriating at the same time.

It also offended objective reality; at the time the President spoke, political Islam was either in outright war in or conducting violent operations from Afghanistan, Algeria, China, Comoros, East Timor, Indonesia, Iran, Iraq, Lebanon, Syria, "Palestine", Israel, Kosovo (Serbia), Bosnia, Kyrgyzstan, Macedonia, Nigeria, Pakistan, India, Philippines, Somalia, Sudan, Thailand, Uzbekistan and Russia (Chechnya and other similar regions). A rational observer might be forgiven for concluding that the actual actions of real Muslims taken, according to them, in the name of Islam should count for more with regard to the nature of Islam than the word of a born-again Christian from Texas by way of New England.

And as reports began to trickle in from conservative dissenters that many of the mosques the President rushed to visit had been used in the past as launching pads for the so-called "extremist" ideology, or that they have been funded by the Saudi Wahabbi sect, or that "imams" invited to the White House had in the past given speeches wherein Hezbollah and Hamas were glorified, the unease began to spread.

In response to that conservative unease, two general responses were given. The first was of the general "Bush the Secret Warrior" bent. You know the type: every bone-headed statement of the President, every bad decision that made you want to tear your hair out was actually a brilliant ploy made to distract our enemies from the fact that we really do have their number. You see, Bush is making polite noises because he has to, not because he really believes that nonsense. On the whole, Bush is making good decisions in the breach, where it counts, so he can be forgiven the window-dressing that, sadly, today's modern media and liberal intelligentsia demand. After all, he may be visiting mosques, but his Justice Department has not been shy about going for radical Muslims found here at home.

This is just true enough to be remotely comforting, but, ultimately, it is not convincing. In its extreme, it manifests itself much like the old Russian peasant adoration of the Czar wherein all abuses made by the Czar's regime were said to be the result of local officials acting inappropriately and "if only the Czar knew what was being done in his name" they would stop. For conservatives, this approach is always that taken when some especially stupid decision by the State Department is brought up.

"Oh, those appeasing idiots at Foggy Bottom gave a student visa to a Taliban ambassador" or "Can you believe that Karen Hughes was groveling like that on Al-Jazeera?" Which is all very fine until one realizes that Foggy Bottom is an executive office of President Bush and Karen Hughes is an officer of the President, acting in his name and at his direction.

"If only the President knew what was being done in his name!"

And, so, the aggressive side of the Administration is praised without looking or dwelling too closely on negative signs. At the end of the day, however praiseful the effort may be, the simple fact that the Administration is going after some radicals is not, in and of itself, incompatible with the President's expressed views that only a few extremists are defaming the name of a great religion. Yes, some of the worst have been rounded up and prosecuted, but the King Fahd Mosque is still a strong Wahabbi outpost in the center of Los Angeles, home to literally hundreds of Saudis and other Muslims working here legally under a "religious worker" visa the Administration has taken no steps to rein in.

The second general response was given most succinctly in a comment by ZF to my post below: you go to war with the public you have. This is true, so far as it goes. Certainly the President is constrained by what the American public finds generally acceptable. For example, I believe quite strongly that FDR was convinced that the United States would have to enter WWII long before he was able to actually come out and say that, so strong was anti-war sentiment in the populace at large at the time.

However, we elect Presidents to lead, not to follow. And this is doubly true in wartime. While I know the left-wing sites are filled with shrill denunciations of the Administration's "scare-mongering," the fact is that the Administration, should it choose to do so, could be much, much more effective in alerting the American people to the very real danger poised by Islamism in the world today. Nearly every day, as is demonstrated in the Blogosphere hourly, brings some fresh outrage with severe implications for Western freedom. From beheadings of schoolgirls in Thailand, to the execution of tourists in the Philippines, to demands for restrictions on freedom of speech be read into international human rights law at the United Nations, to open calls by Islamic Republic officials for the destruction of the United States, to the near universal Muslim practice of using civilians as human shields to cover their attacks, to the actual and very real genocide being conducted by the Islamist government of Sudan, to the prominent place of the worst Nazi propaganda at Arab book fairs, to incendiary and untrue stories on Al-Jazeera, the Islamic world offers open indictments almost at will. The President's inability and unwillingness to speak frankly about the nature of the threat reveals both his fundamental misunderstanding of it and his failure to take his responsibilities seriously.

In any case, the recent "port controversy" made it quite clear that many, many more Americans than one would be led to believe by reading the New York Times thinks that we have a problem with Muslims, period. In their unsophistication and simplicity, the average American seems to think that the U.A.E. is no different than Iran, which is no different than Saudi Arabia; they're all filled with crazy Muslims. (I am not speaking here of the actual controversy itself, there are good arguments on both sides, but what is beyond clear is that a very large majority of the American people instinctively think "trouble" when they hear the words "Arab" or "Muslim"). Given that, according to the last Los Angeles Times poll, a full 57% of the American people support war with Iran right now, even with Iraq still on-going, it's awfully hard to argue that the President is being constrained by the peaceful feelings of the American people.

On the contrary: were a President to seek a formal declaration of war against the Islamic Republic right now, laying out the case in full before Congress and the American people, he would get it if he were deemed serious. Of that, there is not the slightest doubt in my mind.

The Left is the Left. They opposed the reversal of the aggression against Kuwait, they (and this is infuriatingly forgotten now) opposed the invasion of Taliban Afghanistan and, to no one's surprise, they opposed the invasion of Iraq. Even being charitable about it, this faction constitutes no more than around 40% of the American voting population and probably a good deal less than that. Yet, disapproval of the Iraq War is ever widening and Bush's approval rating is plummeting to truly dangerous levels.

I submit it to you that what is going on here is not the widening of the anti-war faction. No, their pronouncements are still stale, their demonstrations still sparsely attended and no one outside of the liberal elite gives a damn about Cindy Sheehan. What we are seeing here is the fusion of an entirely different anti-war constituency, one that is growing opposed to the Iraq War because we are "calibrating" our use of military force in pursuit of "political" objectives that no one really thinks are worth the lives of our soldiers.

The objection is not that people are dying. It's that not enough of the right people are being killed.

Writing in NRO's The Corner, Rich Lowry, who was one of the first to detect what he calls a growing "To Hell With Them" constituency, pointed approvingly to a Tom Ricks piece that began "Current U.S. military commanders say they have come to understand that they are fighting within a political context, which means the results must first be judged politically."

For that segment of the American people who are broadly middle-class and are the inheritors of the Jacksonian tradition, this simple statement is deeply offensive. To them, there is NO such thing as a war fought "within a political context." To them that translates as "fighting with one arm tied behind our back, dying while trying to achieve silly and not-worthy-of-sacrifice public policy prescriptions." In yet another potential Left line that might yet resonate, statements like that also translate as "Vietnam," though not for the reason the Left thinks.

Taken together, I think the balance of the evidence is that Bush's War on Terror is informed by Bush's judgment of who the enemy is, and that in that judgment the enemy is a tiny minority in a sea of otherwise peaceable peoples who wish to live in dignity and freedom. Thus, the overall strategy is to empower that majority through democracy, thereby both marginalizing the radical minority and depriving them of the political oxygen within which they need to survive.

As I noted below, that was not how Bush initially sold the War on Terror, but that is a side issue. Of more importance now is the basic fact, that even those who strongly disagree with me must realize, that to the extent Bush's fundamental judgment regarding the nature of the enemy is faulty, the resulting strategy for victory would necessarily be flawed.

Which begs the question: are we at war with extremists or at war with Islam?

The first is self-evidently true whichever way we decide; extremists are the in either case either the cause or the most fervent foot soldiers. It's the second that is the tricky part.

Before we answer it, however, we need to get over our a certain squeamishness. To a certain type of (very reasonable) person, the question is not even askable, let alone answerable. After all, we are constantly reminded, there are 1.2 billion Muslims in the world, living across a huge swath of the planet from the west coast of Africa to Indonesia, not to mention the numerous Muslim citizens of a large number of Western countries, not the least the United States itself. It's....it's.....well, it's unthinkable.

Well, I certainly understand this. After all, war with 1.2 billion people and roughly 30 countries is not to be wished for. However, consider this: during the Cold War the U.S. was engaged in active and actual hostilities with the entirety of the Soviet Union, all of Eastern Europe, giant China, some of south-east Asia, Korea, some of Latin America and some of Africa. That's not to say we were engaged in active hostilities in each at the same time, but as anyone who lived in the Cold War era can tell you roughly half the world was an active enemy and a good deal of the rest were sympathetic to Moscow.

So let us not blanch from answering the question just because it may lead to a very distressing answer. This is objective reality and we have to deal with it, come what may. If it demonstrated anything, 9.11 should have demonstrated that wishing for and assuming a state of peace does not objectively create it, no matter what the Beyond War folks used to say.

Again, the question: are we at war with Islam?

As of right now, the answer is clearly "no." There is no open or secret national security strategy being pursued by the Government of the United States that assumes that we are waging a world-wide war against Islam. Islamic countries continue to be treated as valued allies, especially Saudi Arabia. Islamic immigrants continue to be welcomed as immigrants, even those from radical communities. Our war-fighting strategy is specifically designed to promote "good" Muslims at the expense of "bad" Muslims. Our public diplomacy efforts, as laughable as they are, assume that Muslims may be convinced of the good intentions of the United States.

Of the past four major American armed interventions (Iraq, Afghanistan, Kosovo and Somalia), all four were designed to specifically benefit the local Muslim population and to relieve them from an oppressive and horrific condition.

The key event that proves that we are not at war with Islam is the USG's official reaction to the Mohammed Cartoon controversy. Forced to side with a basic Western value and an ally who is fighting at our side versus the wider Muslim population at large, we unhesitatingly and unequivocally sided with the wider Muslim masses. (Side note: Were I the Danish Prime Minister, my troops would have been home the next day, my navy would be steaming home and the American ambassador would have been politely asked to go home, but this sort of shoddy treatment is, alas, what many a U.S. ally has painfully come to expect of us when the chips are down).

Given this mountain of evidence, it is impossible for a rational observer to conclude that the U.S. is waging a "war against Islam" in the guise of the War on Terror.

And that is exactly the problem. To paraphrase Trotsky, you may not be interested in a war against Islam, but Islam is interested in waging a war against you. The question asked is backwards. It hardly matters whether or not we are waging a war against Islam since Islam has already declared war on us.

To be sure, not every Muslim in the world is willing to suicide bomb a Starbucks in Chicago. But that's not the test. Not every German was willing to volunteer for the Eastern Front either, but that didn't stop an entire generation of Germans from being fanatic Nazis supportive of the regime's stated goals. As Nazism was impossible without the near-unanimous support of the German people, so is Islamism impossible without the near-unanimous support of the Muslim people. If a great and noble civilization like the Germans could fall so in love with their grievances that they fell hook, line and sinker for a murderous ideology, why are we to assume that Muslims could be immune?

Conservatives right now are making a big deal about the "President" of the Islamic Republic's denial of the Holocaust and wish to "wipe Israel off the map." That's all well and good, but as any expert or person who has spent any time in the Islamic world will tell you, both viewpoints are not the rare expressions of a fanatic but the common assumptions of the vast majority. As we are seeing with the Mohammed Cartoon Controversy, the wider Muslim world claims as its right to impose Sharia concepts on Western nations and is quite willing to use violence and intimidation to back that imposition up.

Needless to say, this is a generalization, albeit a valid one. There exist many fine, upstanding Muslim individuals who reject the bloodier claims of their religion. But these people are the rare exception to the rule and not at all common. I enjoy reading Iraq The Model as much as the next guy, but if you think the author is typical of the average Iraqi you're living in a dream land. Ditto with "progressive" Iranians, "secular" Egyptians and "rational" Libyans.

The fact is that right now radical Islamism has an ever-growing hold on the Muslim masses at large. It is a supremely confident ideology that fixates on historical grievance and blames the Jews and the West for all ills. It allocates to itself an absolute right over life and death and demands without hesitation submission to its righteous cause. What we think of as tolerance and multi-culturalism, they see as weakness and a readiness to submit that must be exploited. As Steyn wrote last week:
What, in the end, are all these supposedly unconnected matters from Danish cartoons to the murder of a Dutch filmmaker to gender-segregated swimming sessions in French municipal pools about? Answer: sovereignty. Islam claims universal jurisdiction and always has. The only difference is that they're now acting upon it. The signature act of the new age was the seizure of the U.S. Embassy in Tehran: Even hostile states generally respect the convention that diplomatic missions are the sovereign territory of their respective countries. Tehran then advanced to claiming jurisdiction over the citizens of sovereign states and killing them -- as it did to Salman Rushdie's translators and publishers. Now in the cartoon jihad and other episodes, the restraints of Islamic law are being extended piecemeal to the advanced world, by intimidation and violence but also by the usual cooing promotion of a spurious multicultural "respect" by Bill Clinton, the United Church of Canada, European foreign ministers, etc.

That claim to universal jurisdiction impinges upon our rights and liberties in a very fundamental way. Given that the newly resurgent Islamism is very unlikely to give up such a claim without a fight, I find it highly unlikely that we can avoid a general conflict.

Decisions on war and peace follow from basic judgments. If you, like me, share the judgment that Islam is claiming rights it has no right to and if Islam is claiming the right to use violence to enforce those rights, then our only choice is to submit or fight. Convincing ourselves that there exist allies in the Islamic world who will disclaim Islam's historical stance and live in peaceful co-existence with the non-Islamic world is a delusion of the highest order that only further convinces our enemy that we are not serious and are easily defeated.

Next: Our Options In the New Cold War

Monday, February 27, 2006

The Breach

Our war on terror begins with al Qaeda, but it does not end there. It will not end until every terrorist group of global reach has been found, stopped and defeated.

* * *
Americans are asking: How will we fight and win this war? We will direct every resource at our command -- every means of diplomacy, every tool of intelligence, every instrument of law enforcement, every financial influence, and every necessary weapon of war -- to the disruption and to the defeat of the global terror network.

This war will not be like the war against Iraq a decade ago, with a decisive liberation of territory and a swift conclusion. It will not look like the air war above Kosovo two years ago, where no ground troops were used and not a single American was lost in combat.

Our response involves far more than instant retaliation and isolated strikes. Americans should not expect one battle, but a lengthy campaign, unlike any other we have ever seen. It may include dramatic strikes, visible on TV, and covert operations, secret even in success. We will starve terrorists of funding, turn them one against another, drive them from place to place, until there is no refuge or no rest. And we will pursue nations that provide aid or safe haven to terrorism. Every nation, in every region, now has a decision to make. Either you are with us, or you are with the terrorists. From this day forward, any nation that continues to harbor or support terrorism will be regarded by the United States as a hostile regime.

* * *

I will not forget this wound to our country or those who inflicted it. I will not yield; I will not rest; I will not relent in waging this struggle for freedom and security for the American people.

-- President Bush, Speaking to a Joint Session of Congress and the American People, September 20, 2001.


Our second goal is to prevent regimes that sponsor terror from threatening America or our friends and allies with weapons of mass destruction. Some of these regimes have been pretty quiet since September the 11th. But we know their true nature. North Korea is a regime arming with missiles and weapons of mass destruction, while starving its citizens.

Iran aggressively pursues these weapons and exports terror, while an unelected few repress the Iranian people's hope for freedom.

Iraq continues to flaunt its hostility toward America and to support terror. The Iraqi regime has plotted to develop anthrax, and nerve gas, and nuclear weapons for over a decade. This is a regime that has already used poison gas to murder thousands of its own citizens -- leaving the bodies of mothers huddled over their dead children. This is a regime that agreed to international inspections -- then kicked out the inspectors. This is a regime that has something to hide from the civilized world.

States like these, and their terrorist allies, constitute an axis of evil, arming to threaten the peace of the world. By seeking weapons of mass destruction, these regimes pose a grave and growing danger. They could provide these arms to terrorists, giving them the means to match their hatred. They could attack our allies or attempt to blackmail the United States. In any of these cases, the price of indifference would be catastrophic.

-- President Bush, Speaking to a Joint Session of Congress, State of the Union Address, January 29, 2002

Bush lied. Not enough people died.

When President Bush made the case for the War on Terror, it was made in the context of the two main speeches quoted at length above, which constituted the beginning of what has become to be known as the Bush Doctrine. Conservatives signed on to that war effort because conservatives were persuaded that Bush's diagnosis of the problem and intended solution was correct.

From the beginning, I've had reservations about Bush's commitment to the so-called Bush Doctrine. While the initial job--dismantling the Taliban regime in Afghanistan--was approached properly, it also seemed to me that the Administration wanted to win that war on the cheap, expending other people's blood. Conservatives may shake with anger when Senator Kerry charges that Bin Laden got away because we sub-contracted out the fighting at Tora Bora, and I understand that. Kerry is not the man to carry such a charge. However, I think the real reason it resonates so badly is because it is true.

Afghanistan should have been invaded and occupied by a very large all-American army. Unlawful combatants, including Taliban spokesmen, should have been summarily shot, as is proper under both international law and the law of warfare as it has evolved. The war should have gone through Pakistan, laying to waste a government and a country that was the Taliban's main enablers. The entire area should have been laid to waste, destroyed completely and utterly; and then, having delivered the short, sharp punic lesson, we should have withdrawn en masse.

I thought so then, I think so now. Instead, what we got was PC cant about how we were "liberating" the Afghans. What was sold as an unrelenting war instead became a long-term occupation, with us playing at teaching a traditional, hide-bound Muslim society about multi-culturalism, tolerance, love, peace and harmony. We installed a government and backed it with power so weak its writ barely carried into outer Kabul, let alone the badlands. We issued press releases patting ourselves on the back about how many women attended the constitutional convention, as if such a thing would be happening were we not there with guns. Worse still, we then sub-sub-contracted the security work out to NATO, thereby exposing ourselves to every left-wing political party in Europe, who now hold our policy hostage by withholding their consent to new military deployments.

Still, I held my tongue. Look on the bright side: the Taliban are gone, Al-Qaeda is scattered and if the Afghans can salvage something out of the peace that follows, well, that's a good thing isn't it? It's not a perfect world, and the U.S. is acting under great constraint, so maybe this is the best we can hope for. Basically, at its root, the Bush Doctrine still appeared solid to me, though I disputed the tactics employed.

Iraq followed. Unlike the paleo-conservatives, I thought this was generally in line with the Bush Doctrine. For all the reasons Bush set forth (ignore the leftists and their "where is the WMD?" talk-they've lied so much that they themselves now believe their own lies), Iraq was a logical next step in the War on Terror.

While the planning was on-going, we made the politically fatal and totally self-made error of taking the issue to the United Nations, at the behest of the Hamiltonians/Wilsonians of our own foreign policy institutions and, largely, the British, whose support and whose military we did not and do not need. This decision was fatal because it focused the War on Terror on unimportant, minor concerns. (Did the inspectors receive full and complete access on March 19 or limited access or should they be there at all...blahblahblahblahblah). It also handed the keys of victory to our enemies. Not surprisingly, they promptly hid those keys, where they remain today in between award ceremonies to Michael Moore and shouts of "Abu Ghraib" on the hour.

What political correctness and a squeamishness about all matters religious did to Islamism, the approach to the United Nations did for European and international leftism. Now, thanks to the Bush Administration, all of our actions were to be judged by a Islamist and a Leftist. Every day we ask them if we are winning and every day they say "no;" the news headlines gleefully report our continued failure.

By turning what was an American war against an American enemy into a popularity contest, the Administration surrendered control over the victory conditions, ensuring our failure, which would then further erode popularity, etc. etc. until you just want to throw up.

What followed is so well-known as to hardly be worth mentioning. While just about everyone on the right thought that the invasion and occupation of Iraq would look a lot like our invasion and occupation of Germany in WWII (i.e. lots of troops on the ground and a military government that ruled for years), we again went on the cheap, and paid the price. The initial authority--does anyone remember Jay Garner?--was literally laughable. We then made something else up and put a FSO in charge. We then handed over power as soon as possible and, given the vote for the first time in their lives, Iraqis voted along sectarian lines, down to the last tribe and imam. No one, least of all the Iraqis themselves, thinks that this government exists in any real sense absent American soldiers on the ground. We stumbled from crisis to crisis, first invading Falllujah, then leaving, then re-invading, then leaving again. A two-bit cleric and his private militia fought U.S. troops in towns. American soldiers and Marines died, and continue to die, in drips and drabs, the killers melting into the general populace.

And here we are today, with reports in the media that a former Taliban ambassador is now studying at Yale with a U.S. student visa in his passport, Iraq is on the verge of civil war, the Hezbollah flag flies openly on top of Iraqi Police Stations in the south, British and American soldiers are routinely killed by munitions supplied by Iran's Revolutionary Guard, the press is full of more Abu Ghraib pictures and, guess what? The Islamists and the Leftists we've handed the keys over still say we've failed.

Big surprise.

Along the way, the President has not advanced the American issue in a direct, forthright way. Instead, his Administration has bumbled along, pretending we are at peace. The very real fact of a very real war is not even discernable among the American population at large. No sacrifices are asked, not even doing without "American Idol." No mobilization has been ordered. Life goes on as before, creating a severe and hurtful disorientation between those families who have lost sons and those who don't even know there is a war on.

This is not the War on Terror the President sold us on in 2001. Not even close. We are not serious and everyone knows this, especially our enemies. I look into the eyes of my sons and I know that I would rather die-I would rather die-than let them fight in a war to establish the Islamic Republic of Afghanistan or to hand power over to the crazy Shi'ites of Iraq.

The leading Iraqi political figure, the Grand Ayatollah al-Sistani, has on his website instructions for how to determine what is unclean and what is clean. Among his definitions of "unclean" are things like shit, entrails of animals and, oh yes, the dead bodies of infidel soldiers.

Our policy is to die for a man and a people who literally think the dead bodies of our soldiers are literally shit.

That is our policy.

That is what we are asking people to die for.

I can't take it anymore. This is crap of the first order, it is deeply wrong and wrong-headed.

I cannot support President Bush any longer. Can you?

President McAleese, Perfect European

Adding the immense moral weight of the Irish Republic to the Mohammed Cartoons controvery, Irish President Mary McAleese said, while travelling in Saudi Arabia:
We abhor the publication of those provocative cartoons, they were designed to provoke, they were designed to be rude, they were designed to inflame. They did all of those things.

Having sold out freedom of speech in front of her Arab hosts, the President returned home just in time to find the Irish rioting in the center of its capital city over a tiny Loyalist march. From RTE:
Missiles including cement blocks, rocks, pipes, glass bottles and firecrackers were thrown. A refuse skip outside the GPO was also set on fire.

Businesses along the route were forced to shut as gardaĆ­ and members of the Garda Riot Squad forced the protestors down O'Connell Street.

Further skirmishes broke out at O'Connell Bridge, Aston Quay, Fleet Street and Temple Bar.

The most serious violence was in the Nassau Street area. Three cars were burnt out, windscreens were smashed and businesses had their windows broken.

Gardai say 41 people were arrested.

Fourteen people, including six gardai were treated in hospital as a result of this afternoon's disturbances.

RTE can confirm that its Chief News Correspondent Charlie Bird was injured while reporting on the disturbances in the city centre this afternoon.

He was admitted to casualty in the Mater Hospital, but has since been released.

Dublin City Council has estimated the clean up operation for O'Connell Street will cost Euro 50,000.

European politics in a nutshell: selling out bedrock political principles, grovelling before Arabs, tearing each other apart in their boring, petty disputes that no one else cares one damn bit about.

These people aren't allies. They're idiots.