Enemy Combatants, Part III: Hamdi and the Power of the Executive in Wartime
We argued late last month that, contrary to the way it was portrayed in the MSM, the Supreme Court’s decision in Hamdi v. Rumsfeld was actually a substantial victory for the Presidency in general and the Bush Administration in particular. Specifically, we noted that reports that terrorists held by the U.S. would now get access to the U.S. court system were seriously mistaken.
Rather, what the Court held was that those held as enemy combatants would have an opportunity to present evidence that they were being wrongly labeled, but that such tribunals could be military bodies, i.e. creatures of the executive branch and not the judiciary.
We noted that the court held that:
There remains the possibility that the standards we have articulated could be met by an appropriately authorized and properly constituted military tribunal. Indeed, it is notable that military regulations already provide for such process in related instances, dictating that tribunals be made available to determine the status of enemy detainees who assert prisoner-of-war status under the Geneva Convention. In the absence of such process, however, a court that receives a petition for a writ of habeas corpus from an alleged enemy combatant must itself ensure that the minimum requirements of due process are achieved.
Today, Yahoo News passes along a report from the A.P. that provides solid evidence that our reading of Hamdi was correct. In its report, the A.P. wrote:
A detainee who allegedly fought for the ousted Taliban regime appeared Wednesday before a U.S. military hearing in Guantanamo Bay to determine whether he still poses a threat or has intelligence value.
The 28-year-old was accused of receiving weapons training in Pakistan and fighting against the Northern Alliance in Afghanistan, said Navy Lt. Terry Green, a spokesman for the Administrative Review Boards.
His name was also found on files seized during raids on suspected al-Qaida safehouses in Pakistan, Green said.
Green said the detainee had been in Guantanamo since 2002 but could not say where he was initially captured. His name and nationality were not disclosed.
His case was the 60th to go before the review boards, which are meant to determine whether almost 550 prisoners at the U.S. Naval base in Cuba still pose a threat to the United States and its allies or have intelligence value, Green said. Those who do not could be freed.
Although the panels began in December, the military did not open them to the media or provide details until this week. It was not immediately possible to determine what the prisoner said at his hearing. No transcript of his testimony was released. (Emphasis added)
This report makes it clear that the detainees are being heard by military courts, with appropriate secrecy and safeguards and, further, that the regular civilian U.S. court system is not involved in the least. Furthermore, as Hamdi makes crystal clear, no such civilian court could intervene in such board hearings so long as the Executive was able to demonstrate that certain minimal due process procedures and rights were being provided and respected.
In short, Hamdi affirmed what the President has been saying all along: as President he has the duty and the authority to detain those who would wage war against the United States and that this authority does not implicate the procedures or the mechanisms of the criminal law in the least, even if the detainee is a U.S. citizen.
Once again, as if more proof were needed, we see that those who looked down their noses, sneered and insulted the intelligence of the President were themselves wrong, wrong, wrong.
Rather, what the Court held was that those held as enemy combatants would have an opportunity to present evidence that they were being wrongly labeled, but that such tribunals could be military bodies, i.e. creatures of the executive branch and not the judiciary.
We noted that the court held that:
There remains the possibility that the standards we have articulated could be met by an appropriately authorized and properly constituted military tribunal. Indeed, it is notable that military regulations already provide for such process in related instances, dictating that tribunals be made available to determine the status of enemy detainees who assert prisoner-of-war status under the Geneva Convention. In the absence of such process, however, a court that receives a petition for a writ of habeas corpus from an alleged enemy combatant must itself ensure that the minimum requirements of due process are achieved.
Today, Yahoo News passes along a report from the A.P. that provides solid evidence that our reading of Hamdi was correct. In its report, the A.P. wrote:
A detainee who allegedly fought for the ousted Taliban regime appeared Wednesday before a U.S. military hearing in Guantanamo Bay to determine whether he still poses a threat or has intelligence value.
The 28-year-old was accused of receiving weapons training in Pakistan and fighting against the Northern Alliance in Afghanistan, said Navy Lt. Terry Green, a spokesman for the Administrative Review Boards.
His name was also found on files seized during raids on suspected al-Qaida safehouses in Pakistan, Green said.
Green said the detainee had been in Guantanamo since 2002 but could not say where he was initially captured. His name and nationality were not disclosed.
His case was the 60th to go before the review boards, which are meant to determine whether almost 550 prisoners at the U.S. Naval base in Cuba still pose a threat to the United States and its allies or have intelligence value, Green said. Those who do not could be freed.
Although the panels began in December, the military did not open them to the media or provide details until this week. It was not immediately possible to determine what the prisoner said at his hearing. No transcript of his testimony was released. (Emphasis added)
This report makes it clear that the detainees are being heard by military courts, with appropriate secrecy and safeguards and, further, that the regular civilian U.S. court system is not involved in the least. Furthermore, as Hamdi makes crystal clear, no such civilian court could intervene in such board hearings so long as the Executive was able to demonstrate that certain minimal due process procedures and rights were being provided and respected.
In short, Hamdi affirmed what the President has been saying all along: as President he has the duty and the authority to detain those who would wage war against the United States and that this authority does not implicate the procedures or the mechanisms of the criminal law in the least, even if the detainee is a U.S. citizen.
Once again, as if more proof were needed, we see that those who looked down their noses, sneered and insulted the intelligence of the President were themselves wrong, wrong, wrong.


